Jeffrey Epstein and Carbyne911: What the Documents Say About Their Connection
Fast facts about Jeffrey Epstein and Carbyne911
Carbyne (often called “Carbyne911” in media coverage) is an Israeli-founded emergency-communications company, originally incorporated as Reporty Homeland Security in 2014–2015.
Former Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak invested about $1 million in the startup and created an investment vehicle called Sum (E.B.) 2015 to hold his stake. Israeli business reporting states that Jeffrey Epstein was a partner in this vehicle and an early backer of the venture.
These reports describe Epstein as an indirect investor in Carbyne/Reporty through his partnership with Barak, rather than as a public-facing board member or executive.
Mainstream coverage has described Barak and Epstein as business partners as late as 2015, with the Carbyne/Reporty investment cited as a key example of their cooperation.
Leaked emails from Ehud Barak’s inbox, later analyzed by journalists, show Epstein actively promoting Reporty/Carbyne, trying to connect the company with major investors including funds linked to Peter Thiel.
Some investigative articles claim that Carbyne911 received substantial funding from Epstein alongside Barak and Thiel; these are journalistic allegations and not findings from a court or regulatory body.
Public reporting does not show that Carbyne or its investors have been charged with crimes related to Epstein’s sex-trafficking case. The controversy centers on who funded the company and its links to intelligence and surveillance, not on proven criminal conduct by the firm itself.
What is Carbyne911?
Carbyne is an emergency-communications technology company that builds “next-generation 911” systems. It began under the name Reporty Homeland Security and later rebranded as Carbyne. The company’s platform lets emergency call centers receive more than just voice calls. It can transmit location data, live video, and other information to dispatchers to speed up response times.
Carbyne was founded by Israeli entrepreneurs with backgrounds in technology, military service, and security work. Over time, it grew into a global company with headquarters in New York and R&D operations in Tel Aviv. Its tools have been adopted by emergency services in parts of the United States and other countries.
From a public-safety perspective, Carbyne presents itself as a way to modernize old 911 systems. From a civil-liberties perspective, critics worry about mass data collection, real-time video, and the possibility of misuse of sensitive information. The Epstein link sits right at the intersection of those two debates: money, surveillance, and elite networks.
How Jeffrey Epstein’s money reached Carbyne
The clearest documented link between Jeffrey Epstein and Carbyne runs through Ehud Barak’s investment vehicle.
Israeli business coverage describes the timeline roughly as follows:
Around 2014–2015, Reporty Homeland Security (later Carbyne) was founded to build an emergency-response platform.
Ehud Barak invested roughly $1 million in the company and became its chairman.
To structure the investment, Barak created a limited partnership called Sum (E.B.) 2015. This partnership held his Carbyne/Reporty shares.
Reporting based on company documents states that Jeffrey Epstein was one of the partners in Sum (E.B.) 2015, meaning his money helped fund Barak’s stake in the startup.
In simple terms, Barak brought the deal, created an investment vehicle, and Epstein was one of the people backing that vehicle. That makes Epstein an indirect early investor in Reporty/Carbyne, even though he did not appear as a public spokesperson for the company.
Other prominent investors later became involved with Carbyne, including international tech investor Nicole Junkermann, U.S. businessman Andrew Intrater, and a venture capital fund co-founded by Peter Thiel. Former U.S. homeland security officials and senior national-security figures have also served on the company’s board or advisory structures.
Leaked emails and Epstein’s push into surveillance tech
Beyond the corporate records, leaked email caches provide more texture to the Carbyne–Epstein story.
A large batch of emails from Ehud Barak’s inbox was hacked and later published for journalists and researchers. Reporting that draws on those emails paints a picture of Epstein in the mid-2010s trying to reinvent himself in the security and surveillance technology world.
According to that reporting, the emails show that:
Epstein and Barak were working together on an investment in Reporty Homeland Security (Carbyne).
Epstein encouraged Barak to meet with Peter Thiel and other influential figures, presenting himself as a connector between Israeli security-tech startups and wealthy investors.
Epstein pitched Reporty to a Thiel-linked fund, which ultimately declined the investment at that time but expressed interest in the concept. Later, a different Thiel-co-founded fund did invest in Carbyne.
These emails suggest that Epstein saw Reporty/Carbyne as part of a broader strategy: position himself at the crossroads of private money, government surveillance, and high-end technology. The emails as described in reporting have not all been independently authenticated by courts or official bodies, so they should be read as alleged communications, not as judicially proven facts. Still, multiple outlets have treated the cache as credible enough to quote, in part because many details have lined up with known events and other documents.
Epstein’s network around Carbyne911
For people studying the “Epstein files,” Carbyne is controversial not just because of Epstein’s money, but because several other high-profile names connect to the same company or its ecosystem.
From public reporting and company disclosures, notable figures connected to Carbyne or its funding rounds include:
Ehud Barak – former prime minister of Israel, early investor and chairman of Reporty/Carbyne, and documented business partner of Jeffrey Epstein during the same period.
Nicole Junkermann – tech investor whose fund joined Carbyne’s board and invested in the company.
Andrew Intrater – U.S. businessman and asset-management executive who acquired a significant stake in Carbyne.
Peter Thiel and his funds – Carbyne became the first Israeli startup backed by Thiel’s venture firm Founders Fund; leaked emails also show Epstein trying to pitch Reporty to another Thiel-linked fund before that investment.
Security and intelligence figures – Carbyne’s board and advisory structures have included former U.S. homeland security chiefs and senior Israeli security officials, highlighting strong ties to the national-security world.
Importantly, being on the same cap table or board as Epstein’s partners does not by itself prove knowledge of, or involvement in, Epstein’s criminal conduct. These overlaps show shared business environments and investment networks, not a criminal conspiracy by default.
Carbyne911 in the wider “Epstein files” context
Different sets of documents now shape what researchers call the “Epstein files”:
Court records and indictments focus on Epstein’s sex-trafficking operations and financial dealings.
Calendar entries and meeting logs published in earlier media reporting show Epstein meeting bankers, politicians, academics, and business leaders.
Leaked email caches and new releases from Epstein’s estate add thousands of pages of correspondence with political, business, and philanthropic figures.
Carbyne and its precursor, Reporty, appear in this landscape in a specific way:
In Israeli business files and media coverage, Carbyne is cited as a security-tech startup that received early funding via a vehicle that included Epstein as a partner.
In leaked Ehud Barak emails, Reporty/Carbyne is portrayed as one of several Israeli tech ventures Epstein was trying to promote to international investors.
In critical investigative pieces, Carbyne911 is mentioned as an example of how Epstein’s money intersected with surveillance, emergency-response technology, and intelligence-connected startups.
What is not visible in mainstream reporting is any claim that Carbyne itself was used to commit Epstein’s sex crimes, or that emergency-call deployments in the U.S. and other countries are part of that criminal activity. The controversy is about who funded the company, who sits around its boardroom table, and how those relationships should be interpreted.
Allegations about intelligence ties and mass surveillance
Some investigative and opinion writers go further, arguing that Carbyne911 is tightly woven into the Israeli intelligence ecosystem and that its data-collection capabilities could be misused for mass surveillance or blackmail.
These pieces typically point out that:
Carbyne’s founders and some board members have backgrounds in Israeli military intelligence units.
The company’s technology allows highly detailed data on emergency callers to flow through centralized systems.
Similar companies with comparable roots have previously been linked to offensive cyber operations or controversial surveillance programs.
These are allegations and interpretations, not official findings from courts or regulators. Carbyne’s own public messaging stresses emergency response, data protection, and consent-based video activation. Civil-liberties groups, on the other hand, caution that any powerful platform of this kind requires strong safeguards to prevent abuse.
When reading these claims, it is important to distinguish between:
Documented facts (who invested, who sits on the board, what the product is designed to do), and
Analytical or political arguments about what those facts might mean in the larger context of intelligence, surveillance, and power.
How to read Carbyne911 references in document dumps
Because Carbyne911 touches multiple sensitive themes—Epstein, emergency-call data, national security—it is easy for speculation to run ahead of the evidence. A cautious way to interpret its appearance in document dumps is:
Treat funding and board roles as what they are: evidence of business and networking ties, not automatic proof of criminal collaboration.
Note when sources describe something as an allegation or theory: for example, descriptions of “substantial funding” from Epstein and certain investors, or claims that the company is part of a wider intelligence project.
Keep in mind the scope of each dataset: leaked emails from Ehud Barak’s inbox tell us how he and Epstein talked about investments and introductions. They do not, by themselves, tell us how Carbyne’s technology has been used day to day in call centers.
Separate criticism of surveillance technology from evidence about specific crimes: concerns about privacy and data misuse are important even if no criminal charges have been brought.
This approach helps researchers, journalists, and the public handle names like Carbyne911 in the Epstein-related archives without jumping from “appears in the same orbit” to “proven guilty.”
What the record shows – and what it does not
Taken together, publicly available records allow a careful, limited conclusion about the connection between Jeffrey Epstein and Carbyne911:
Epstein was a documented business partner of Ehud Barak during the period when Barak invested in Reporty/Carbyne.
Company and media records indicate that Epstein’s money, through the Sum (E.B.) 2015 vehicle, helped fund Barak’s stake in the emergency-tech startup, making Epstein an indirect early backer.
Leaked emails suggest that Epstein actively pitched Reporty/Carbyne to other investors and sought to position himself at the center of security-tech deals.
Carbyne’s investor and advisory list includes several figures from Epstein’s broader network or overlapping elite circles, but that overlap is evidence of shared business ecosystems, not proof of shared criminal activity.
No court has found Carbyne or its leadership guilty of crimes connected to Epstein’s trafficking operation, and public reporting does not show that the company’s emergency-response deployments were used for such conduct.
For readers working through the expanding “Epstein files,” Carbyne911 is therefore best understood as a case study in how Epstein tried to move into high-tech surveillance and emergency-response ventures, leveraging political contacts and private-banking connections, rather than as a proven co-conspirator in his already-documented crimes.
Carbyne911
This research page compiles publicly available information about Carbyne911 and their place in the broader Jeffrey Epstein connection graph. People may appear here either because they are mentioned in one or more evidence items (such as flight logs, emails, legal records or credible public reporting), or because reliable public sources document relationships or affiliations that link them to others in this network.
Some profiles therefore track individuals who may be several steps removed — sometimes up to six degrees of separation — from Jeffrey Epstein himself. They are included so researchers can see whether those names later recur in other documents, networks, or investigations. Listing Carbyne911 here is not, by itself, a statement of guilt or innocence.
Use the network graph, shortest-path view, and evidence links below to explore how this person connects to others in the dataset and to Jeffrey Epstein.
- Carbyne911
- Jeffrey Epstein
Closest Connections
- Benjamin Netanyahu — associated with — Weak
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- Carbyne911 (Other) 0
- Michael Chertoff — worked for — Weak
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- US Government — partner of — Weak
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- Google — partner of — Weak
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- Carbyne911 (Other) 0
- Black Cube — associated with — Weak
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- Carbyne911 (Other) 0
- Israeli Government — partner of — Weak
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- Carbyne911 (Other) 0
- Ehud Barak — Other — Weak
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- Carbyne911 (Other) 0
- Peter Thiel — Other — Weak
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- Carbyne911 (Other) 0
- Jeffrey Epstein — Other — Weak
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- Carbyne911 (Other) 0
Click a name to highlight 1° / 2° / 3° rings. Edge thickness indicates connection strength. Use Tab to focus and arrow keys to navigate.
The presence of Carbyne911 in this dataset should be understood in a research and mapping context only. The project traces publicly documented relationships and degrees of separation — sometimes several steps removed — to see whether particular names recur across different evidence sets over time.
A person may therefore appear here because they are directly mentioned in documents, because they have a publicly reported relationship or affiliation with others in the network, or because they sit several links away in a chain of acquaintances. Inclusion alone does not imply criminal conduct, moral judgment, or endorsement.
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